Category: Category idea

Before Roe v. Wade

The memory of Roe v. Wade has brought the United States through numerous phases. Specifically, Florida has gone through various changes in regards to the memory of Roe v. Wade and other abortion laws. Florida provided citizens with a constitutional right of a freestanding privacy policy [2]. That policy was challenged in 1989 when In re T.W. appeared before the Florida Supreme Court. The In re T.W. case stated that “Prior to undergoing an abortion, a *1189 minor must obtain parental consent or, alternatively, must convince a court that she is sufficiently mature to make the decision herself or that, if she is immature, the abortion nevertheless is in her best interests [3].” This case requires parental consent before a mother can proceed with an abortion which conflicted with Florida’s constitution of privacy. The overall problem of this was that Florida had two constitutional protections, a general privacy right along with a privacy right protecting an individual’s decisions relating to medical care, and one constitutional provision, In re T.W. [2].  

Recent Abortion Laws

As of July 1, 2022, Floridians went from being able to receive an abortion up to 24 weeks of pregnancy (in memory of Roe v. Wade) to not be able to receive an abortion after the 15th week of pregnancy (Roe v. Wade being overturned). An exception to an abortion procedure being legally performed after the 15th week would be if the mother could potentially result in serious injury or death, or if the fetus has a fatal abnormality [4].  More restrictions that were placed into effect on June 28, 2022 include: a patient must receive mandatory state directed counseling, a parent must provide consent for the abortion, an ultrasound must be provided for the mother, health plans and public funds will only be provided in cases such as rape or incest, and for life threatening cases an abortion can be provided after 24 weeks of the last menstruation cycle [5].

Additionally, on July 1 2022, the HB5 law prohibited any abortions to take place if the gestational, “gestation was defined in HB5 (2022) as being calculated from the first day of the woman’s last menstrual period,” age of the fetus was after 15 weeks. This was implemented to “reduce fatal and infant mortality [1].”  Although as of April 3, 2023, Florida passed a new Heartbeat Protection Act. The passing of this act prohibits any abortions to take place after 6 weeks of pregnancy. Certain circumstances have been made an exception such as incest, rape, human trafficking, or diagnosed fetal fatal abnormality which extends the abortion cut off back to 15 weeks [6]. Senator Grall spoke on the Bill that was passed, “This bill represents an unprecedented opportunity to protect innocent life, and to stand with the brave moms who choose life for their babies.  For 50 years, it was legal in this country to kill unborn children, and during that time, abortion has touched every single one of us. We have to grieve for what we have done as a country. This bill makes certain our laws reflect the strongest protections for innocent life [6].” The senator also makes sure to emphasize how instead of promoting abortion they will promote adoption and support families who have the proper resources to take care of children in the system. 

Florida’s Agenda

It is important to mention how Florida provides numerous ways of support for those who “choose life for their babies [6]”. SB 300 in Florida states that counseling and mentoring sessions will be provided for the families if wanted. Another way the Florida government provided support includes assisting with non-medical materials such as cribs, car seats, clothing, formula, etc., for the child. In addition, SB 2500 includes ~$475 million dollars towards postpartum care coverage on top of the $30 million of new funding that was included in the SB 300. The SB 300 also calls for in person abortions and prohibits abortion medication to be delivered by mail [6]. From these bills it appears that Florida representatives want to give the impression that the mental and physical health of the mother and the status of the fetus is a top concern. The incentives provided for not partaking in abortions try to cover up the cultural memory of Roe v. Wade.  

A notable observation from the words of Senator Grall is that she never mentioned the word “fetus”, instead she continuously referred to it as an unborn child. This leads to the possible assumption that Florida’s representatives believe the status of a fetus as an entity is a human life with rights. In connection to this, Thomas Jefferson wrote in the Declaration of Independence how everyone deserves the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Since an embryo forms a heartbeat after about 6 weeks, the Florida government passed this Heartbeat Protection Act in order to protect what they consider a life. According to Florida, this means the fetus has unalienable rights in memory of our Declaration of Independence. 

By: Anaya Williams

Works Cited

[1] CS/HB 5 (2022) – Reducing Fetal and Infant Mortality. Bills for the Regular Session 2023 | Florida House of Representatives. (n.d.). Retrieved April 21, 2023, from https://www.myfloridahouse.gov/Sections/Bills/bills.aspx 

[2] Gordon, Daniel R. “One Privacy Provision, Two Privacy Protections, The Right to Privacy in Florida after Roe v. Wade.” HeinOnline, https://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/wiswo5&div=6&g_sent=1&casa_token=&collection=journals 

[3] In Re TW.” Justia Law, https://law.justia.com/cases/florida/supreme-court/1989/74143-0.html

[4] Selene San Felice, B. M. (2022, June 24). Roe v. Wade: Is Abortion Legal in Florida? Axios. Retrieved April 21, 2023, from https://www.axios.com/local/tampa-bay/2022/06/24/roe-v-wade-overturned-florida

[5] State facts about abortion: Florida. Guttmacher Institute. (2022, August 30). Retrieved April 21, 2023, from https://www.guttmacher.org/fact-sheet/state-facts-about-abortion-florida 

[6] The Florida Senate. Press Release – The Florida Senate. (n.d.). Retrieved April 21, 2023, from https://www.flsenate.gov/Media/PressReleases/Show/4437

Images

https://www.npr.org/2022/02/17/1081450530/florida-house-abortion-ban

Is Abortion Legal in Florida? Abortion Laws in Florida

The “back-alley” is a dingy, treacherous, terrifying. The back-alley is a dimly lit street, tucked away from greater view, deemed shameful enough to be hidden. It is a physical space inhabited by all things seedy, illegal, or even monstrous. The back-alley is also the metaphorical space people are forced to inhabit when they are turned away from the public sphere. The back-alley isn’t just one, two, or a billion places found in an urban landscape but – rather – the threat of dying a suffering, shameful death.The “Back-Alley” is the reality of a disempowered woman, pushed once again out of liberty and into desperation.

Back-alley abortions greatly varied in safety and success. There is very little documentation on the practice, due to its illicit nature. All that can be sure of is that the procedures do not always look like screaming, bleeding, maimed flesh on a dirty kitchen table. To liken all means of self-induced abortion to the grotesque imagery of “back-alley butchers” is to deny the delicate care shown by and for women in these circumstances. Women have always found their own means of care, hygiene, and self-medication when the medicinemen fall short. The knowledge of which roots to pick, what to eat and when, this expertise passed from woman to woman. This knowledge is omitted from traditional (see: patriarchal) medical discipine and is therefore expelled to the fringes. Abortifacients have their forms ranging from flowering herbs to low-doses of poison. The back-alley butcher can vary from a well-intentioned licensed practitioner to an untrained hand reaching for the wallet of women at their most vulnerable.

The cruelest, ever-present threat of a back-alley abortion, is that of a lonely death. A woman can walk in and out of the back-alley, pills in her pocketbook, and bleed out slowly in the back-alley of her own bathroom floor. The terror of the back-alley is not relegated to the dismal matrix of fire escapes and potholed streets. The back-alley is the shame, the secret some women carry to their graves. The back-alley is slipping tampons into your pocket hoping no one will notice, the back-alley is deleting your period tracking app out of fear of government surveillance, the back-alley is knowing you are once again pushed out of safe medical spaces into a hard, cold street– made to find your own solutions. The back-alley is the space women’s health comes to occupy when its pushed out, all over again.

A bright spot in the back-alley can be found with the Jane Collective of Chicago. More formally known as the Abortion Counseling Services of Chicago, the collective was formed with the intention of giving chicagoan women affordable and safe access to abortion. Callers were told to ask for “Jane,” and were referred to those able to provide her with the procedure she needed. The system became increasingly intricate and sophisticated, all members of the collective operating under the code name of “Jane” – the everywoman. The Jane Collective changed countless women’s lives, especially those most socioeconomically vulnerable.

However, the threat of the back-alley persists. Ask any woman of a certain age, and she will have a story. This may be the one instance in which anecdotal evidence is the truest depiction of the horrors and realities of human desperation. Anecdotes of patients “who had gotten a catheter into her cervix and poured turpentine through it, literally cooking the inside of her uterus” or putting dissolving tablets “in their vaginas to induce bleeding.. that could easily eat through the vaginal lining, causing hemorrhage and destroying the cervix.” Even if these women escaped death, their physical and mental health is forever changed, and scarred. These stories speak to the utter desperation felt by those seeking to end their pregnancy.

Ultimately, the back-alley represents much more than just a place. The back-alley represents society’s condemnation of women and their reproductive autonomy. The repeal of Roe is unquestionably a regression, pushing women back into the alley and away from the light of legality. When there is no help for women in the daytime, they will find solutions in those dark alleys. This will lead to thousands of women’s unnecessary and preventable deaths. Abortions will never stop, but sooner or later, women will refuse to occupy the back-alley any longer.

References

Colburn, M. (n.d.). Chicago’s Forgotten Pro-Choice Warriors. Chicago Magazine. Retrieved April 21, 2023, from https://www.chicagomag.com/Chicago-Magazine/April-2019/Chicagos-Forgotten-Pro-Choice-Warriors-the-Janes/

Edwards, S. (2014, November 18). The history of abortifacients. Jezebel. Retrieved April 21, 2023, from https://jezebel.com/the-history-of-abortifacients-1658993381

Gordon, F. (2022, July 31). Mid-1960s: ‘back-alley butchers,’ underground network provide illegal, often unsafe, abortions to the desperate. Winona Daily News. Retrieved April 21, 2023, from https://www.winonadailynews.com/news/mid-1960s-back-alley-butchers-underground-network-provide-illegal-often-unsafe-abortions-to-the-desperate/image_29543ff3-4368-545e-9d26-979a8f472c9d.html

Khazan, O. (2018, October 11). When abortion is illegal, women rarely die. but they still suffer. The Atlantic. Retrieved April 21, 2023, from https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2018/10/how-many-women-die-illegal-abortions/572638/

Koerth, M. (2022, June 2). What the history of back-alley abortions can teach us about a future without Roe. FiveThirtyEight. Retrieved April 21, 2023, from https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/what-the-history-of-back-alley-abortions-can-teach-us-about-a-future-without-roe/

Warren, S. E. (2018, January 21). Senator Elizabeth Warren on Roe v. Wade’s 45th Anniversary. Time. Retrieved April 21, 2023, from https://time.com/5110722/elizabeth-warren-roe-v-wade-abortions/

The memory of Roe v. Wade can be explored through its relation to anti-abortion and pro-life movements and organizations both before and in the wake of the Supreme Court’s 1973 decision to legalize abortion. The tactics and methods used by those opposed to abortion in the US, leading up to and after Roe v. Wade, can be understood largely as the connection of other sites of memory, often associated with cruelty and the violation of the sacrosanct, to the practice of abortion. In this manner, the use of other memories as vehicles of emotion, understanding, and ideas can be viewed as a means through which the religious right and anti-abortion activists constructed abortion as a moral wrong and contributed to how Roe v. Wade is widely imagined and remembered.

Before the Roe v. Wade decision was rendered by the Supreme Court in 1973, anti-abortion activists used the partial nature of collective memory to construct and emphasize abortion as infanticide to promote their cause. Jennifer Holland argues that before the Roe v. Wade decision was rendered, the anti-abortion movement did not have much of an explicit religious tone, as evidenced by the extreme popularity of the Handbook on Abortion, written by Catholic husband and wife John and Barbara Willke, in the pro-life movement at the time [1]. The Handbook contained graphic pictures of abortions and fetuses [1]. These depictions helped form the understanding of the “fetus, legally and culturally, as a baby” among many Americans [1]. In this manner, the partial nature of the collective memory of abortion, as communicated by these fetal representations, can be seen in the inclusion of images only amplifying the narrative of the “baby” at risk of being “murdered” rather than promoting discussions concerning the viability of the fetus. The idea of the not-yet-born baby as a victim of murder as well as representations of developing fetuses as babies, then, were likely employed by pro-life activists and groups in an attempt to craft the official hegemonic memory of abortion as an act of violence against the innocent.

Moreover, after the Roe v. Wade decision was handed down by the Supreme Court, Roe and abortion itself in the US became a site of memory based on past memories of atrocities and suffering intertwined with ideas of family informed by conservative Christian ideology. Seth Dowland describes that Jerry Falwell, a Baptist preacher and the creator of the Moral Majority, a Christian activist group, declared the elimination of access to abortion as key in protecting and maintaining the American family [2]. The religious right also saw the family organization and gender roles they valued, informed by the Bible, as possible casualties of continued access to abortion [2]. This rhetoric likely reflects the mobilization of the particular and universal nature of collective memory to advance religiously motivated anti-abortion sentiment. Specifically, the idea of the family invoked by Falwell and the Christian right likely stirred up fear and anger among those concerned about the decay of the American family and, by extension, their own family through legal access to abortion. This may have helped create personal sites of abortion memory in families, furthering the anti-abortion cause. In addition, flyers printed and distributed by the Moral Majority described abortion as a “holocaust” and claimed similarities between Roe and the Dred Scott v. Sandford decision that reinforced the legality of slavery [2]. The use of the memory of the WWII Holocaust and American slavery by pro-life organizations illuminates the unpredictable nature of collective memory. Specifically, it shows how disparate historical events can be linked through their strong emotional power to contemporary issues like abortion in order to produce certain opinions and responses. The memories of human-caused tragedies and personal family decay, then, likely served as the frameworks through which the religious right sought Roe and abortion to be perceived in order to achieve the outlaw of abortion.

Furthermore, the religious right also manipulated the memory of contemporary and historical moments to shape how abortion and Roe v. Wade was understood and constructed in the American imagination. For example, Jerry Falwell specifically blamed the Roe decision handed down by the Supreme Court as the reason why abortion was taking place in the United States in the first place because he viewed the Supreme Court as a negative agent of liberal change [3]. This attribution by Falwell highlights the usable nature of collective memory. Particularly, since the practice of abortion was blamed on the Supreme Court’s Roe decision, the conservative right may have strategically used the collective memory of the decision to create a clear target for their political action and religious anxieties. Additionally, in 1980, a Christian rally called Washington For Jesus (WFJ), which promoted anti-abortion sentiment among other conservative ideas, was planned to be held on the date of the anniversary of the landing of English colonists at Jamestown [4]. This, again, illuminates the usable nature of collective memory. The conflation of anti-abortion sentiment with what many may consider the “birth” of the US fictitiously roots anti-abortion activism and ideas in the foundation of the US, giving pro-life and anti-abortion movements the perception of being legitimate and traditional. Therefore, the usable nature of collective memories, like the memory of the impacts of Roe, real or not, and the “birth” of the US, was likely key in forming the US perception of Roe v. Wade and abortion.

Anti-abortion activists and the religious right emphasized specific aspects of the collective memory of abortion to craft desired understandings and perceptions of Roe v. Wade and abortion itself. This practice highlights the significant influential power of connecting past and contemporary memories to issues like access to reproductive care in order to promote particular narratives and histories. Additionally, an examination of the ideas and memories evoked by anti-abortion activists both before and after Roe v. Wade was rendered in 1973 provides insight into the continuity that existed and the changes that took place in the promotion of the pro-life cause.

Emma Powell

Sources for Post

[1] Holland, Jennifer. “Abolishing Abortion: The History of the pro-Life Movement in America.” The American Historian. Organization of American Historians. Accessed April 20, 2023. https://www.oah.org/tah/issues/2016/november/abolishing-abortion-the-history-of-the-pro-life-movement-in-america/#fn8.

[2] Dowland, Seth. “‘Family Values’ and the Formation of a Christian Right Agenda.” Church History 78, no. 3 (2009): 606–31. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0009640709990448.

[3] Williams, Daniel K. “Jerry Falwell’s Sunbelt Politics: The Regional Origins of the Moral Majority.” Journal of Policy History 22, no. 2 (2010): 125–47. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0898030610000011.

[4] Williams, Daniel K. God’s Own Party: The Making of the Christian Right. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. https://books.google.je/books?id=lqf3KBaqgI8C&printsec=copyright#v=onepage&q&f=false.

Sources for Photos

[5] Wallenbrock, Emma. “The Photos That Jump-Started the pro-Life Movement.” Slate Magazine. Slate, June 8, 2022. https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2022/06/fetal-photos-jack-barbara-willke-handbook-on-abortion.html.

[6] “The Moral Majority: Collection of Primary Sources .” Open Community Collections. JSTOR, July 1, 2022. https://daily.jstor.org/the-moral-majority-collection/.

The American Dream is “a white picket fence around a private yard, 2.4 children in the home, and a nice car two.^“2 While this may be the image we associate with America, it has not always been as the cultural norm it is today, nor has it been as feasible. The American Dream is a middle class ideal, and for most families, both parents must work to remain middle class. It is thus too expensive for one partner to be home with many children.⁴The cultural shift to having fewer children being an ideal has come with scientific breakthroughs and societal movements. As we reflect on the mark Roe v. Wade left on the United States over its nearly 50-year precedent, let us not forget how the movements that preceded and paralleled it. This includes the increase in means of family planning originated from the voluntary motherhood movement, and that has today morphed into the Planned Parenthood organization.

Family planning, as defined by Merriam-Webster is “the practice of controlling the number of children in a family and the intervals between their births, particularly by means of artificial contraception of voluntary sterilization.”³ Family planning “dates back to the earliest days of humankind. There has never been a time when women and girls didn’t want to have control over whether, when, and how many children they would have.”⁹ Over the course of human history, there have been a wide range of methods used to prevent pregnancy. These include using natural chemicals as spermicides, proposed by Aristotle, or abstinence advocated for by Pliny, the Roman writer of Natural History.¹ The technology has now greatly advanced, and today’s means of artificial contraception include barrier methods, like condoms and diaphragms, as well as hormonal methods, like IUD implants, and “the Pill.” In 1827, the female egg was discovered, leading to rapid advances in contraceptive devices, and by 1839, condoms were invented. Voluntary sterilization was developed later, a procedure in men called a vasectomy, and in a tubal ligation in women. While there have been great technological advances in these areas, there is also societal pushback against these methods. For example, the Roman Catholic Church, which has over 50 million members in the United States, only approves abstinence for unmarried couples, and the rather ineffective “natural family planning,” also known as “periodic abstinence.”¹⁰ This method relies on observation of the “naturally occurring signs and symptoms of the fertile and infertile phases of a woman’s menstrual cycle.”

Voluntary motherhood is a movement that goes hand in hand with family planning. The term originated in the late 1800’s and was the general term for a feminist birth control movement that demanded a role in family planning.⁵ The movement supported women having autonomous control over their own bodies and rejecting unwanted sex. This would result in women being able to choose when, or even if, they had children. While voluntary motherhood was the beginning of feminist birth control ideas in the United States, surprisingly, the movement did not initially support legalized abortion or birth control. The voluntary motherhood movement initially feared that legalized abortion and birth control would further enable abuse and control of women. Today’s women’s rights advocates are typically pro-birth control, which is more of a non-issue in today’s political climate, and pro-abortion, political dynamite in today’s climate.

The most controversial practice in family planning is abortion. Abortion was restricted in all states by 1880.⁶ Before this time, despite a lack of modern medicine, abortions, while uncommon, did take place. In 1973, Roe v. Wade, decriminalized abortion, and declared it a constitutional right in all 50 States. The most prominent organization surrounding abortion today was established in 1921, the American Birth Control League the precursor to the modern Planned Parenthood, which was established in 1942.¹ In its early days, Planned Parenthood focused on fighting legal restrictions on contraceptives and helped birth control to gain a wider acceptance in America. When abortion was legalized in 1973, Planned Parenthood expanded to offer abortion services as well. As abortion is quite a controversial issue, protests at Planned Parenthood locations by anti-abortion groups are quite common.⁸

The American Dream, built on the desire to reach and maintain middle class status has only become achievable through technological advances in birth control. These technological advances have prompted legislation that has been both promoted and fought every step of the way. The voluntary motherhood movement, which promoted a role in family planning, lead to the family planning movement and expansion of birth control, including abortion. Finally culminating in Planned Parenthood, promoting access to abortion and other family planning services. How we remember these narratives will change over time. “America’s history has always been told through appropriated narratives, as later generations align themselves with the moral victories of earlier generations.”⁷ The debate over abortion will lead to processual reconstruction of memories regarding Roe v. Wade and all the movements surrounding it.

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Taylor Healy

Citations:

[1] “A Timeline of Contraception | American Experience | PBS.” n.d. Accessed April 20, 2023. https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/pill-timeline/.

[2] “Column: Forget the White Picket Fence, the American Dream Is in the City.” 2016. PBS NewsHour. June 29, 2016. https://www.pbs.org/newshour/economy/column-forget-the-white-picket-fence-the-american-dream-is-in-the-city.

[3] “Definition of FAMILY PLANNING.” 2023. April 15, 2023. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/family+planning.

[4] “Falling Fertility Rates: Why Do Wealthier People Have Fewer Children? | Nexus.” n.d. Accessed April 20, 2023. https://blog.iiasa.ac.at/2017/08/01/falling-fertility-rates-why-do-wealthier-people-have-fewer-children/.

[5] Gordon, Linda. 1973. “Voluntary Motherhood; The Beginnings of Feminist Birth Control Ideas in the United States.” Feminist Studies 1 (3/4): 5–22.

[6] “Historical Abortion Law Timeline: 1850 to Today.” n.d. Accessed April 20, 2023. https://www.plannedparenthoodaction.org/issues/abortion/abortion-central-history-reproductive-health-care-america/historical-abortion-law-timeline-1850-today.

[7] Magazine, Smithsonian, and Treva B. Lindsey. n.d. “What Did the Suffragists Really Think About Abortion?” Smithsonian Magazine. Accessed April 20, 2023. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/what-did-the-suffragists-really-think-about-abortion-180980124/.

[8] Reuters. 2017. “Calls for Protests for and Against Planned Parenthood.” The New York Times, February 11, 2017, sec. U.S. https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/11/us/planned-parenthood-protests.html.

[9] “The History of Family Planning.” 2019. November 12, 2019. https://fp2030.org/resources/history-family-planning.

[10] “What Is the Position of the Catholic Church on Natural Family Planning? – Institute of Clinical Bioethics.” n.d. Accessed April 20, 2023. https://sites.sju.edu/icb/what-is-the-position-of-the-catholic-church-on-natural-family-planning/.

Introduction: The Debate About Abortion

In 1973, the landmark Supreme Court case Roe v. Wade established the constitutional right to abortion. However, access to safe and legal abortion remains controversial in the United States, with ongoing debates about its legality and morality.

One of the most recent debates surrounding abortion concerns the Hyde Amendment. This amendment, which was first passed in 1976, restricts federal funding for abortion services, except in cases of rape, incest, or to save the mother’s life.

The Hyde Amendment has been a contentious issue for many years, with advocates arguing that it unfairly limits access to abortion for low-income women who rely on government-funded healthcare programs such as Medicaid. Opponents say that taxpayer dollars should not be used to fund a procedure that they view as morally objectionable.

Regardless of one’s personal beliefs on the matter, it’s clear that women’s access to safe and affordable healthcare, including abortion services, remains a critical issue in today’s society.

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Current State of Abortion

Despite the legal right to access abortion, women in the United States face various challenges when seeking this healthcare service. The policies and laws around abortion vary widely between states, which can significantly impact a woman’s ability to access safe and legal abortion care.

For example, some states have laws that require women to wait a certain period, usually 24 to 72 hours, between receiving counseling and obtaining an abortion. These mandatory waiting periods can be burdensome for women who must travel long distances to reach a clinic or cannot take time off work or other obligations.^[2]

Additionally, some states have laws restricting telemedicine for medication abortions, which can limit access for women in rural or underserved areas. In some cases, women may be required to make multiple trips to a clinic, which can be difficult and expensive.

Another challenge for women seeking an abortion is the cost. While some private health insurance plans cover abortion, many government-funded healthcare programs, such as Medicaid, do not. This can create a financial barrier for low-income women who cannot afford to pay for an abortion out of pocket.

Even after obtaining an abortion, women may face additional challenges related to post-abortion care. For example, some states have laws that require clinics to provide patients with information about the supposed link between abortion and breast cancer, even though this link has been debunked by medical experts.^[3]

These are just a few examples of women’s many challenges when seeking abortion care in the United States. Recognizing and addressing these barriers ensures all women can access safe and affordable healthcare.

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My life would not have been my own. I would be a prisoner subject to a body’s whims — and not my body’s whims, but the whims of a teenage boy.

Nicole Walker^[4]

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Ensuring Safe and Affordable Healthcare

The challenges women face when seeking abortion care in the United States highlight the ongoing need for policies that protect women’s reproductive rights and ensure access to safe and affordable healthcare.

One crucial step in this direction is addressing the barriers women face when seeking abortion care, such as mandatory waiting periods, limited access to clinics, and high costs. This can be achieved through policies that expand access to reproductive healthcare services, including abortion, and by working to dismantle policies that restrict access to care.

It is essential to provide accurate information about abortion care and to combat misinformation and stigma surrounding the procedure. This can help to reduce the shame and stigma that many women feel when seeking abortion care and can help to promote greater acceptance and understanding of this vital healthcare service.

Ensuring women access high-quality post-abortion care, including counseling and medical care, is crucial to support their physical and emotional recovery. This can help ensure that women can make informed decisions about their reproductive health and receive the care they need to maintain their health and well-being.

The debate about abortion in the United States highlights the need for policies and practices that protect women’s reproductive rights and ensure access to safe and affordable healthcare. By working to address the various barriers that women face when seeking abortion care and by promoting greater understanding and acceptance of this important healthcare service, we can help to ensure that all women can exercise their right to make decisions about their bodies and lives.

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Looking to The Future

For many women who have undergone the experience of obtaining an abortion, it is a profoundly personal and emotional issue that has left a lasting impact on their lives. Many women feel a sense of shame and stigma surrounding their decision to obtain an abortion, while others feel a sense of empowerment and control over their bodies and lives.

In the broader public consciousness, the issue of abortion has been the subject of intense political debate and activism for decades. For some, the problem is framed as a matter of individual choice and personal liberty, while for others, it is a moral issue that centers on the sanctity of life.

The debate over abortion has also had a significant impact on the country’s legal landscape. The Supreme Court’s landmark decision in Roe v. Wade established the right to abortion in 1973; subsequent court decisions and legislative actions have chipped away at that right, creating a patchwork of laws and regulations that vary widely between states.

Looking to the future, it is likely that the issue of abortion will continue to shape American history and public discourse in significant ways. As new technologies and medical advances emerge, the way that we think about and approach reproductive healthcare will continue to evolve.

Ultimately, however, the issue of abortion is likely to remain a deeply personal and emotional issue for many Americans, and it will continue to shape our memories of the past and our vision for the future.

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Resource&Citation:

[1] https://www.kff.org/womens-health-policy/issue-brief/coverage-for-abortion-services-in-medicaid-marketplace-plans-and-private-plans/

[2]https://www.plannedparenthood.org/learn/abortion

[3]https://nwlc.org/issue/abortion/

[4] https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/18/opinion/abortion-pregnancy-child-roe.html?name=styln-op-abortion&region=MAIN_CONTENT_3&block=storyline_opinion_quote_recirc&action=click&pgtype=Article&variant=undefined

By Jess Paul

On January 22, 1973, the United States Supreme Court decided in a 7-2 ruling that the right to abortion is protected under the 14th amendment which protects personal liberties and interests that are not explicitly outlined in the Constitution such as the right to privacy. This ruling struck down several state bans on abortion and allowed pregnant women in every state to access safe abortions. On June 24, 2022, this critical ruling was reversed and allowed several states to move to enact abortion bans therefore robbing women of their right to safe health care while imposing on their 14th amendment rights. As women’s rights collectively took a step back, women across the United States are left to figure out how to obtain a safe abortion, face a rise in maternal deaths specifically in low income communities, and wonder what rights may be taken from them next.

After the overturning of Roe v. Wade, 26 states had abortion bans or restrictions ready to implement immediately but what these states fail to realize is this will not stop abortions. This will only stop safe abortions. Shortly after the Roe v. Wade decision was leaked, several women were interviewed about the reality of life before wide-spread access to safe abortions. These women recall hospital wards where women were giving  birth and other women were there to exercise their right to choose. During this time, these women were racked with great shame as their right to choose was not legally supported in every state and they even faced the possibility of criminal charges. Some interviewees spoke of women coming into these hospitals and safe houses with no money or way to pay for safe abortions. They recall these ladies going home and attempting at-home abortions, several of which lead to their deaths [5]. These ladies also recalled there were septic abortion wards in the hospitals full of women who had either botched at-home abortions using knitting needles, crochet hooks, and anything they could find. Some of the women went to someone who was unreliable [5]. These same women predict the reversal of Roe v. Wade will diminish women because their rights have been stripped and women who are of lower income are going to be the most greatly affected. In a post Roe v. Wade world, the harsh reality is that many women will have to travel to another state to receive an abortion as 29% of the population of reproductive age women are living in states where they do not have access to abortion clinics [3]. While some women may be able to foot the cost of traveling to another state for an abortion, many low income women will not. 

 Based on data taken in North Carolina in 1967, just six years before the ruling in Roe v. Wade, there were an estimated 829,000 illegal abortions and 17% of maternal deaths had abortion complications listed at the official cause of death [4]. Since abortions were not legal, there is not much accurate data surrounding abortion related deaths prior to Roe v. Wade.  Over the 49 years Roe v. Wade was in effect, abortion related complications and deaths dropped  dramatically as women across the United States were able to access health care. However, with the overturning of the case, it is expected that the maternal death rate will rise by 24% on average for all races/ethnicities [6]. Furthermore, maternal death rates among Non- Hispanic Black people are expected to rise 39% and as access to safe abortions continues to become scarce, these groups will be at a greater disadvantage and the rate will continue to climb [6].  Finally, maternal mortality rates will continue to rise as abortion becomes criminalized. As states continue to crack down on the legality of abortion and turn it into a criminal action, mortality rates among women in those states will increase an estimated 21% and a staggering 33% among African Americans. 

As the availability of wide-spread and safe abortions comes to a close, women in the United States wonder what will be restricted next. Many people turn to the ruling in Griswold v. Connecticut which deemed Connecticut’s ban on the use of contraceptives violated the right to marital privacy. Following the onset of strict abortion regulations with no exceptions for incest or rape, Texas lawmakers are cracking down on the access to birth control. District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk ruled that allowing minors to obtain free birth control without parental consent at federally funded state clinics, under the program known as Title X, was violating parental rights and state law [2]. Furthermore, Republicans’ new proposals also include penalizing companies that help their Texas employees seek abortions elsewhere. From criminalizing abortion and revoking the ability to protect against unwanted pregnancies, women’s bodily autonomy is under attack. 

The effects of overturning Roe v. Wade does not stop within the boundaries of the United States. Women across the world will feel the impact. After all, the United States led the way for many other countries to pass abortion related protocols [1]. Women around the globe recall feeling fearful as the news broke and worried. The overturning of Roe v. Wade will be remembered by generations of women to come as pro-choice groups continue to fight for women’s right to choose through means such as rallies and refusing to let the movement die.  

Works Cited:

[1] “Anti-Abortion Ruling Is an Assault on Human Rights.” Open Society Foundations, 24 June 2022, https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/newsroom/the-overturning-of-roe-v-wade-is-an-assault-on-women-and-democracy-globally. 

[2] Coronado, Acacia. “Birth Control Ruling to See Fresh Scrutiny in Republican-Controlled Texas Capitol.” PBS, Public Broadcasting Service, 10 Jan. 2023, https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/birth-control-ruling-to-see-fresh-scrutiny-in-republican-controlled-texas-capitol. 

[3] Fuentes, Liza. “Inequity in US Abortion Rights and Access: The End of Roe Is Deepening Existing Divides.” Guttmacher Institute, 25 Jan. 2023, https://www.guttmacher.org/2023/01/inequity-us-abortion-rights-and-access-end-roe-deepening-existing-divides. 

[4] Gold, Rachel Benson. “Lessons from Before Roe: Will Past Be Prologue?” Guttmacher Institute, vol. 6, no. 1, 1 Mar. 2003, https://www.guttmacher.org/gpr/2003/03/lessons-roe-will-past-be-prologue. Accessed 13 Apr. 2023. 

[5] Nawaz, Amna, et al. “Women Reflect on What Life Was like before Roe v. Wade.” PBS, Public Broadcasting Service, 21 June 2022, https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/women-reflect-on-what-life-was-like-before-roe-v-wade.

The coat hanger is a striking and powerful symbol often used in pro-choice abortion protests. It has been used in protests surrounding the issue of abortions since the 1960s (4). One of its early uses was a protest in Washington D.C. in 1969 where more than 300,000 protesters wore wire coat hangers around their necks. They also held signs with the words “never again”. Protests since then have often recalled this one, and have used the same symbols and words.

Coat hangers were featured in the protests leading up to the Roe v. Wade decision, and they’ve been used many times since then. There were coat hanger signs present both before and after the outcome of the Dobbs decision in 2022 as well. The reason they have been used so often and so widely is that this symbol recalls the days before Roe v. Wade when some women would terminate pregnancy using wire coat hangers. These women were desperate for various reasons, and often they had no other choice but to do it themselves. Abortion was illegal, so they did what they felt they had to do outside of the law. Such a practice is dangerous because of risk of infection and bleeding (4). The memory of these experiences is what gives the sign its power today, and some people fear that banning abortion will bring us back to that time period.

This symbol has been used in many different kinds of protest; not simply the traditional picket sign. A TikTok user named Katarina Nowack started a trend of sending coat hangers as “gifts” to the Supreme Court in May 2022 to make a statement after a draft of the court’s opinion was leaked. The draft showed it was likely that the court would overturn Roe v. Wade (6). Ultimately, the protest has not been well-remembered, so it serves mainly to reference to the memory of pre-Roe v. Wade America.

However, this image of the coat Hanger is contested even within the pro-choice movement. This contestation speaks to the way history and memory are made. There are competing visions about the usefulness of the coat hanger as a symbol. Some see it as a way of pressing the seriousness of the issue and destroying the illusion that abortion can ever truly be stopped. The reasoning goes that if safe legal abortions are not available some desperate women will opt for what they see as the only option no matter what. Others do not agree. Their argument is that we have left the era of hanger abortions behind, and it is not the method women will opt for if abortions are banned, especially given that abortion pills are now available. They think that because the coat hanger is no longer going to be the reality that using the symbol just serves to stir up the traumatic memories of those who either experienced or have family members who have experience this painful past. The argument is that they should be allowed to forget, and the coat hanger’s critics see the opportunity to replace this provocative symbol with signs that have educational value. For example, this signage might be replaced with signs featuring abortion pills to help educate people about them. The contestation is over the usability and function of those signs, and the outcome of this contestation will likely affect the way we remember abortion and Roe v. Wade.

It might be countered that coat hanger abortions are not a thing of the past. In 2015 a woman allegedly attempted just such an abortion (7). A study also done in 2015 found that between 100,000 and 240,000 Texans have attempted DIY abortions. The most common method used was a drug called Misoprostol which is considered safe and effective for the purpose (2). People who do not know about the drug might opt for riskier DIY methods, hence the activist calls to educate people about them. Nonetheless, a safe and effective drug does not have the shock value of a wire coat hanger, and those who view protests as more effective if they gain more attention have good reason to continue to use the symbol of the coat hanger.

The entire debate surrounding this image underscores a few key ideas about memory. Depending on whether or not activists find the memory useful it will continue to be remembered or it will finally be forgotten. What we are seeing now is the process by which future memories are made. Whatever comes out of this negotiation will be partial, as it will likely overlook or draw more attention to either of the two methods of self abortion. In any case, what we remember in the future will be on the basis of one of these two material objects. Protest signs and stunts are only effective insofar as they can be applied to peoples lives or communicate things about those lives. Whether we like it or not, this symbol is powerful because it invokes trauma, a trauma that many want to forget. We cannot predict what the outcome will be; collective memory is, as a general rule, unpredictable.

-Joseph Ellis

Bibliography:

[1] Baez, Christina, These Photos Show How Abortion Protests Have Evolved Since 1973 https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/christina_baez/photos-roe-v-wade-demonstrations-1973

[2] Khazan, Olga, Texas Women Are Inducing Their Own Abortions https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2015/11/texas-self-abort/416229/

[3] Logan, Nick, The wire coat hanger symbolizes a dark era of abortion rights. Advocates say it’s time to retire it https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/us-abortion-coat-hanger-1.6508897

[4] Morrison, Patt, The coat hanger, symbol of dangerous, pre-Roe abortions, is back https://www.latimes.com/opinion/la-xpm-2014-mar-25-la-ol-the-coat-hanger-symbol-of-dangerous-preroe-abortions-is-back-20140324-story.html

[5] Rosen, Rebecca J., Consider the Coat Hanger https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2012/08/consider-the-coat-hanger/261413/

[6] Sung, Morgan, TikTokers are sending hangers to the Supreme Court. Abortion rights activists say that goes too far. https://www.nbcnews.com/pop-culture/viral/people-are-sending-coat-hangers-supreme-court-tiktok-abortion-protest-rcna27195

[7] Taylor, Alan, Photos: Protests Against the Overturning of Roe https://www.theatlantic.com/photo/2022/06/photos-protests-against-overturning-roe/661399/

[8] Valenti, Jessica, Abortion by wire coat hanger is not a thing of the past in America https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/dec/15/wire-coat-hanger-abortion-stories-united-states

On Sunday, April 16, 1972, nearly 10,000 protestors flooded the streets and converged in New York City’s Central Park. Although controversy filled the air, it did not fall on partisan lines. Up to this point, the state of New York was responsible for the largest number of legal abortions. Whilst many referred to the legalization of abortive practices as a “liberal abortion law” [4], it had been a Republican legislator and a Republican governor largely responsible for the law’s existence. This kindled an internal battle amongst the Republicans about whether or not abortions should even place, and to what extent should they be illegal in all cases.

By going back several decades, the history of anti-abortion movements can be traced back to the Comstock Act of 1873. It was at this time, for the first time in this country’s history, abortion became a politicized topic nationwide. Up to this point, abortions were largely practiced and protected under common law. Whilst this act prohibited the use of mail “to spread information or materials deemed as “obscene”‘ [1], the law also explicitly mentioned that anything used to cause or carry out an abortion is also prohibited to travel by mail. This act is often credited to be the initial fuel that sparked the eternal flame of controversy in abortion culture that has consumed the United States for decades.

Moving forward to 1895, the Catholic Church which previously supported abortions, indirectly made a substantial change to American history by condemning abortions completely. In the years following, many Catholics adopted their church’s beliefs and developed a passion for their “pro-life” stance.

As the 19th century bled into the start of the 20th, other groups of people began condemning abortions from their lives as well. With one being medical practitioners. Many of these doctors partook in an activist group named the “American Medical Association”, or AMA for short. By voicing disapproval of abortions, these physicians hoped “to win professional power, control medical practices, and restrict their competitors” [2].

At the head of the AMA’s anti-abortion movement, was Dr. Horatio Storer. Dr. Storer studied at Harvard University and later received his graduate degree. After working abroad, he eventually returned to Harvard Medical School and began teaching gynecology as its own subject. During this time as a professor, Dr. Storer began developing a forceful stance against abortion and preached its dangers to those around him. Initially, many physicians criticized him for it, but as time went on, his work became more credible in the eyes of his peers [3]. The AMA still uses many of his written opinions today in the everlasting abortion legal battle.

By 1910, abortion became outright illegal at every stage of pregnancy nationwide with the exception of preserving the mother’s health if it were at risk upon giving birth. Whilst there was extreme support behind this movement, it was also heavily criticized because a large percentage of the doctors and lawmakers behind this ban were men.

Despite being illegal, throughout the 20th century, many women still found ways to have abortions if they wished. Whether that consisted of going to a practitioner that worked behind closed doors or seeking help from unlicensed individuals who made a living of it, hundreds of thousands of abortions happened nevertheless. While the exact number is uncertain, between 1950 and 1960 “the estimated number of illegal abortions ranged from 200,000 to 1.2 million per year” [2].

In 1967, Colorado became the first state to decriminalize abortion in cases of rape, incest, or in which pregnancy would lead to medical complications for women. This started a domino effect with Colorado becoming the first “of sixteen states to legalize at least some forms of abortion within a three-year period” [4]. Following this initial wave, twenty-five more states went on the “pro-choice” offensive and campaigned for abortion legalization bills as well. Even though every single one ended up failing, the movement created the momentum that was necessary to propel the topic of abortion back into the national spotlight.

Not long after, “pro-life” advocates began fighting back against the rapidly spreading “pro-choice” ideology. This reborn feud sparked conflict within the Democratic and Republican parties alike because up to this point, neither party had developed a hard-set platform for or against abortion. This waged a political battle in which all partisan lines in relation to abortion were purely evaporated and led Republicans to battle other Republicans and Democrats to battle other Democrats throughout the national and state legislative system.

Which brings us back to the protest that consumed the streets of New York City. That anti-abortion protest was the first of its kind in terms of scale and in many ways, it set the stage for the protests to come in the years following but it nevertheless differed from most protests today. In today’s America, the deep-cut differences between Democrats and Republicans create extreme hostility towards one another, thus leaving many legislators with an inability to achieve anything without upsetting someone else. Despite modern America being this way now, the evolution of protests and what it means to be a protestor has changed significantly throughout the years.

Elliott Kai Rauton

Works Cited: 

[1]  McCammon, Sarah. “Why Anti-Abortion Groups Are Citing the Ideas of a 19th-Century ‘Vice Reformer’.” NPR, NPR, 18 Apr. 2023, https://www.npr.org/2023/04/18/1170371877/abortion-pill-mifepristone-judge-comstock. 

[2] Ravitz, Jessica. “The Surprising History of Abortion in the United States.” CNN, Cable News Network, 27 June 2016, https://www.cnn.com/2016/06/23/health/abortion-history-in-united-states/index.html.

[3] Writer, Staff. “The Embryo Project Encyclopedia.” Horatio Robinson Storer (1830–1922) | The Embryo Project Encyclopedia, 21 Sept. 2020, https://embryo.asu.edu/pages/horatio-robinson-storer-1830-1922.  

[4] Williams, Daniel K. “The Abortion Fight in America before Roe v Wade.” Time, Time, 4 Jan. 2016, https://time.com/4154084/anti-abortion-pre-roe/.

Ainsley Mesnard

The Eisenstadt vs. Baird court case of 1972 was one of the first of its kind to reach the supreme court. William Baird is a reproductive rights activist who operated women’s health clinics and initiated several legal cases to secure women’s rights to contraception and abortion [7]. Baird is known for his quote “If the right of privacy means anything, it is the right of the individual, married or single, to be free from unwarranted governmental intrusion into matters so fundamentally affecting a person as the decision whether to bear or beget a child” [5].  While Baird was a well known activist and public figure, it was lecture at Boston University in April 1967 that acted as a catalyst for the entire supreme court case. At the time there was limited access to contraceptives that had an impact on women’s reproductive rights [2]. At the end of his lecture on birth control and overpopulation, Baird gave away a previously purchased contraceptive to a 19-year old female student. This caused his immediate arrest and put in handcuffs in front of the entire lecture hall. He was arrested for violating a Massachusetts law that made it illegal for anyone other than a physician or pharmacist to distribute anything to prevent conception [2]. Furthermore, the law stated that only married men and women were allowed to obtain contraceptives from physicians or pharmacists, making Baird’s action even more notable [6]. Baird’s first stop to the Supreme Court was the Massachusetts Trial Court, in which he lost the case and was sentenced to time in jail. His team then filed for habeas corpus in the federal courts, arguing that the statute was unconstitutional. Even though the Federal Trial Court denied relief, the First Circuit Court of Appeals reversed the state’s decision, allowing for the Supreme Court to review the case, in which they did [3]. In a decision that was 6-to-1, the Court struck down the Massachusetts law but not on the grounds that were expected. The Court held that the law’s distinction between single and married individuals failed to satisfy the “rational basis test” of the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause [6].  The constitutionality of the Massachusetts law was being challenged using the Griswold v. Connecticut (1965) decision that established a right to privacy [8].

The reaction to the outcome of the case was polarized in very opposite directions. Some people, specifically extreme pro-life activists, did not agree with the decision made by the supreme court. In fact, one of Baird’s clinics in Hempstead, New York was firebombed by one of said groups after the Supreme Court decision had been made [7]. Even almost 40 years after the decision, people are still talking about the ruling as well as Bill Baird himself. There is a website that is titled A Menace to Society: a historical docudrama based on the life of Bill Baird. Seeing that this website was published in 2008 and the titles is directly calling Baird a ‘menace to society’ it is clear to see that strong opinions live on decades after the ruling [1]. 

However, the fight for women’s reproductive rights did not stop there. A year later, Roe v. Wade entered the Supreme Court. Many say that this would have not been possible without the Eisenstadt vs. Baird case, for the ruling paved the way for Roe v. Wade [4]. After the overturning of Roe v. Wade Roe v. Wade in 2022, there was an interview with Baird in which he voiced his opinions. He stated that even when Roe v. Wade was decided in 1973, he knew that the fight was not over. He went to right extremist conventions and saw the work they were doing to try to overturn the ruling from the beginning. He stated that even at 90 years old, he would fight for women’s rights for as long as he could and was not willing to give up [4]. 

Exploring  the Eisenstadt vs. Baird as a site of memory is very interesting when looking at it through the lens of cultural memory. Furthermore, the idea of the Eisenstadt vs. Baird being one of universal cultural memories is fascinating. When thinking about the  Eisenstadt vs. Baird as a site of memory, one can think of the memories and emotions that people have connected to the outcome. When learning about the case itself, people are going to have a reaction, whether positive and in support or negative and in opposition. The type of reaction that one has to the case can be centered around a plethora of experiences, such as where you grew up, the type of household you are in, or where you went to school. Whether or not one is in favor of or opposition to the ruling, Eisenstadt vs. Baird brings up memories for everyone. In this way, Eisenstadt vs. Baird is a universal experience of cultural memory, being used as a specific site of memory that, to this day, is experienced by all. 

Ainsley Mesnard

Works Cited

[1] “A Menace to Society: Why Bill Baird Matters.” Accessed April 20, 2023. https://www.umass.edu/menacetosociety/biography.html.

[2] “Eisenstadt v. Baird (1972) | The Embryo Project Encyclopedia.” Accessed April 13, 2023. https://embryo.asu.edu/pages/eisenstadt-v-baird-1972.

[3] Eisenstadt v. Baird Case Brief Summary | Law Case Explained, 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=31sDbJesNJU.

[4] “Father of Reproductive Rights Movement Calls SCOTUS Decision a ‘Holy War against Women.’” Accessed April 20, 2023. https://www.wbur.org/hereandnow/2022/06/24/bill-baird-roe-v-wade.

[5] Lucas, Roy. “New Historical Insights on the Curious Case of Baird v. Eisenstadt,” n.d.

[6] Oyez. “Eisenstadt v. Baird.” Accessed April 13, 2023. https://www.oyez.org/cases/1971/70-17.

[7] Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study at Harvard University. “Bill Baird.” Accessed April 20, 2023. https://www.radcliffe.harvard.edu/schlesinger-library/collections/bill-baird.

The debate of Roe V Wade is one that has been happening for many years.  Even though the court case made it legal to have an abortion, there are many organizations that have come together to fight against abortions. People who are pro-life have been fighting to save babies’ lives who are not born yet. There are many famous activists that have used their platform to talk about anti abortion ideas. One of the biggest activists is Abby Johnson who does not believe in abortion. One of the things that many people are surprised to learn about her is that she actually started out working for planned parenthood, which is an organization that tries to fight for the right of abortion. According to Logan Smith, Abby Johnson became the director of a planned parenthood that gave abortion and she even helped carry out over 20,000 abortions [1]. After she decided to change her views because of the abortion that she was apart of . Since that moment she has dedicated her life to fighting against abortions and fighting for the lives of babies. In an article by Logan Smith, Abby Johnson once stated:  “I knew in that moment that what I saw in just those few seconds was not choice, was not reproductive justice; it was not justice of any kind,” she said. “It was certainly not health care. I knew that what I witnessed in those moments was murder. Murder of an innocent human being in the womb. And I knew I could not participate in that again.” [2].

As I read this quote from Abby I truly agree with her because I don’t believe in abortion as well because you are taking the life from someone that doesn’t have a choice to live or die for her to step down from that position shows how much she cares for someone’s life. She is not the only activist to use their life to fight for unborn lives and fight against abortions.

Another pro-life activist is Dr Martin Luther King Jr’s niece Alveda King. Alveda King held the first Respect for Life celebration and believes in talking to people across the world about pro-life views [3]. she is not someone that many know is a prolife activist but is giving her life to fight for what she believes in.

A lot of pro-life activists are also a part of big organizations that do a lot to fight against abortion. For example, Marjorie Dannenfelser is the president of an organization called Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America [4].

 Susan B Anthony America is a pro life organization that was founded by women who believe in fighting for an end to abortion. They named it after Susan B Antony  who fought for women’s rights to vote. For them, using her name for the organization shows that they have a vision and a positive mindset to save and fight for what they believe in.  Susan B Anthony represents an important figure in our collective memory.  By using her name,  they are making their organization a part of that memory. The goal of the organization is to look at the Politics of abortion and fight for anti abortion laws and make sure that anti abortion voters know what laws are out. [5] 

Another pro life activist is Penny Nance who is in charge of the Concerned women for America  organization. [6]  The mission and vision for the Cornered Women of America organization is based on religion. They believe in  accomplishing things by praying and they believe in having a society based on christ.  As for them getting open ears they have done so much to spread the word, including things like working with the media and also getting it to the white house, Congress, and the courts [7].  Penny Nance does a lot for the organization including working with the members of the organization and going on TV and other media to fight for what they believe in. A lot of her interviews have been on fox news [8]. 

Leaders and advocates for pro life are not just females there are also men who lead and advocate  as well. One advocate for pro life is David Bereit is a National Director of 40 days for life organization and is on the advisory board of equal rights institute.[9] He worked with churches to fight abortion clinics and has a very big religious background that he uses to bring people together and work to advocating up to end  abortions[10].

These are just some of the pro life anti abortion organizations and leaders that fight for what they believe in. There are many other pro life activists and organizations across the United States that are doing a lot of work to end abortion and abortion clinics. There are even some pro life activists and groups trying to make it illegal to use things like Plan B and some even want to end birth control[11].

Paul Billups II

1. https://www.liberty.edu/news/2022/09/09/pro-life-voice-abby-johnson-shares-testimony-of-leaving-planned-parenthood-and-fighting-for-the-innocent/ 

2. https://www.liberty.edu/news/2022/09/09/pro-life-voice-abby-johnson-shares-testimony-of-leaving-planned-parenthood-and-fighting-for-the-innocent/ 

3. https://www.naplesnews.com/story/news/local/communities/collier-citizen/2018/01/04/her-mission-life-martin-luther-king-jr-s-niece-speak-ave-maria-laws-pro-life-march/969767001/ 

4. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/24/us/anti-abortion-activists-roe.html 

5. https://sbaprolife.org/about

6. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/24/us/anti-abortion-activists-roe.html

7. https://concernedwomen.org/about-us/

8. https://concernedwomen.org/penny-nance/

9. https://equalrightsinstitute.com/leadership-team/david-bereit/

10. https://equalrightsinstitute.com/leadership-team/david-bereit/

11. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/27/us/abortion-pill-plan-b.html

Paul Billups II